Anti-Semitic activities in 1997 consisted mostly of threats, insults and graffiti at Jewish sites. The most nationalist and anti-Semitic of the parties represented in the Romanian parliament, the Greater Romania Party, demonstrated its expansion of international contacts by inviting French Front National leader Jean-Marie Le Pen to its conference in November 1997. The Roma continue to feature as the main target of the nationalist and xenophobic press. Procedures for the rehabilitation of wartime fascist leader Ion Antonescu were begun, but a public domestic and international outcry forced their suspension.

THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS AND HATE GROUPS

The proliferation of small extremist groups, some of which openly adhere to competing legacies of interwar and wartime Romanian fascism, has become one of the hallmarks of post-Ceausescu Romania. The presence of nationalist elements and the continuing obsessive attempts to rehabilitate the wartime fascist ruler Ion Antonescu, indicate a few of the major stumbling blocks on Romania's road to democracy, and the extent of the "return to history."

The Greater Romania Party (PRM) , led by Corneliu Vadim Tudor, is considered the most nationalist and anti-Semitic among the parties represented in the Romanian parliament. Themes linked to the Jews and Israel continued to feature in party rhetoric. At the same time, it has been warning of the dangers of Hungarian irredentism and the alleged anti-social nature of the Roma (Gypsy) community. The PRM's international contacts are expanding, and the party, led by former communists and pseudo-intellectuals, now turned nationalists, invited French FN leader Jean-Marie Le Pen to their conference in November 1997. Earlier in the year, the PRM had sent delegates to attend the FN conference in Strasbourg (see France).

The other extreme rightist party represented in the parliament, the strongly nationalist and anti-Hungarian Romanian Party of National Unity (PUNR), suffered several internal rifts in 1997. With the deepening of the crisis in the Romanian government in early 1998, it was increasing its cooperation with the PRM.

On the other hand, freed from the relative restraints imposed by parliamentary participation (see ASW 1996/7), the Socialist Labor Party (SLP), led by Adrian Paunescu, has intensified its nationalist line.

Of the several small, extremist groups adhering to the legacy of the Iron Guard, wartime fascist movement, the National Right Party (PDN) continued to promote its vague vision of law and order through the exclusion of non-Romanians from public life. With a membership of 5-6,000, it has a para-military unit, the National Guard, based on the Nazi model. The influence on the younger generation of the Movement for Romania, led by Marin Munteanu, is reportedly much greater than the actual number of its members, which is about 1,000. Smaller groups of fascists organized in "nests" are also active in various localities.

The "Roma Question" and Xenophobia

Although in 1997 Romania's media and politicians paid greater attention to the Roma problem, it seemed that the gap between the Roma and the Romanian people was as wide as ever. A special supplement of the prestigious weekly 22 devoted its issue of October 28 to the problem of the Roma. It emphasized that the Roma, the weakest strata of the population, were the most hard-hit by the country's economic difficulties.The paper expressed its concern about the lack of effective communication between the two communities.

The PRM organ Romania Mare branded Romania's new foreign minister, Andrei Plesu, a prominent dissident of the late Ceausescu era, a "Turkish Gypsy, a term which combines hatred of Roma with even greater loathing of Turks. Such vitriolic, racist language indicated not only the lack of a basic civic political culture, but also the continuing stereotyping, in which the Roma figure as a major target.

ANTI-SEMITIC ACTIVITIES
AND ATTITUDES TOWARD THE NAZI ERA

Propaganda

The themes of previous years -- the rehabilitation of wartime fascist ruler Ion Antonescu, the Jewish demands for restitution and compensation and alleged Jewish control of power centers -- continued to appear in anti-Semitic propaganda of 1997.* In addition, the media handling of the issue of Romanian workers in Israel often had clear anti-Semitic undertones, since "Jewish exploitation" was presented as the reason for the alleged mistreatment of the workers. Likewise, Jewish businessmen visiting the country were usually referred to as "Jewish adventurists" and "mafia" who were to blame for Romania's economic problems.

The pro-Antonescu campaign of the last few years, as well as the fate of Romanian Jews during the Holocaust and Jewish responses to the campaign to rehabilitate Antonescu, were widely reflected in 1997 in anti-Semitic propaganda. A senator and a deputy representing the PUNR asked the prosecutor general to begin procedures for the rehabilitation of Antonescu (see below).

The Iron Guard Legacy

A new activity introduced by followers of the Iron Guard movement was the organization of summer camps for youth similar to those set up by Romanian fascists in the thirties. In summer 1997 a camp was held on the shores of the Black Sea. A small memorial honoring the Iron Guard was erected and "seminars" on the Legionnaire (Iron Guard) ideology were held for the participants. In addition, the yearly ritual commemorating the murder of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, founder of the Iron Guard and several of his colleagues in 1938 by the Romanian royal authorities, took place in 1997. Thus, a growing number of students and youth are being exposed to fascist and racist propaganda.

The Bucharest "nest" of the Legionnaire has a publishing house, Majadahonda, which issues works by Codreanu and other books about the Iron Guard. Several extremist publications propagate the ideas of the fascist movement, such as the notorious Gazeta de Vest (Timisoara) and Puncte Cardinale (Sibiu). In 1997 both publications appeared irregularly, indicating the economic crisis affecting the publishing industry in Romania and perhaps reduced public interest in the extremist press.

The Iron Guard's fascist ideology and propaganda are available in English on the Internet at the site of the International Third Position, where fascist movements in Eastern Europe and the West also disseminate their propaganda. Thus, one may read articles from Gazeta de Vest, as well as the biography of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu and other literature about him and his fellow fascists.

RESPONSES TO RACISM AND ANTI-SEMITISM

The Romanian media continued to dwell extensively on the dangers of right-wing extremism. Under the headline "The Legionnaire Threat Increases," the intellectual weekly Dilema, in its issue of September 19-25, 1997, stated that "Legionnaire propaganda is dangerous, and is increasing among the younger generation," and warned that unless the strong hand of the law is applied and democratic values are inculcated, Romanians will "face a late awakening."

Following extensive pressure, the prosecutor general began proceedings in October 1997 for the judicial rehabilitation of Antonescu and several of his government ministers who were sentenced after the war. An immediate public outcry forced the authorities to cancel the proceedings. Among the protestors were the Jewish community in Romania and Jewish organizations around the world. Senior US Congressmen urged the Romanian president to block such moves. A tough letter signed by leading congressmen warned the Romanian leaders that rehabilitation would "trigger a reassessment of support" for Romania's bid to join NATO and Western organizations.

There is no doubt that the political factors that came to power in the wake of the 1996 elections are determined to combat all forms of extremism. Nevertheless, in 1997 there were no signs of a decline in the activities, and especially the propaganda, of extremist groups, and no significant legal victories for the opponents of extremism.