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germany 2006

 

Despite a slight overall decrease in antisemitic manifestations in 2006, there was a dramatic surge, especially involving Jewish pupils and youth, in Berlin. According to a survey published by the Bertelsmann Foundation in January 2007, 58 percent of Germans would like to draw a line under the Nazi past.

 

the Jewish Community

According to government estimates, there are more than 200,000 Jews in Germany, making it the fastest growing community in the Diaspora. This increase is due largely to immigration, with some 20,000 Jews (principally from the Former Soviet Union − FSU) settling there per annum. The largest Jewish centers are Berlin, Frankfurt, Munich and Hamburg, but Jewish communities are active in most other large urban areas. Religious, cultural, and social support is provided to a total of 83 communities. In many cities, especially those in former East Germany, newcomers from the FSU account for the majority of Jews.

The Zentralrat acts as the roof organization of Jews in Germany, with headquarters in Berlin. In May, the community's president, Paul Spiegel, 68, died and was succeeded by Charlotte Knobloch. There are synagogues in most cities with communities, and the larger communities have Jewish schools as well. The weekly Allgemeine Jüdische Wochenzeitung is the most prominent of a number of publications which serve the Jews of Germany. The Frankfurt-based Tribüne is the leading Jewish scholarly journal. The Jewish Museum in Berlin, opened in 2001, is an important cultural center.

In April 2006, German Minister of Justice Brigitte Zypries announced the opening of the International Tracing Service archives, located in Bad Arolsen. This center, containing some 25 kilometers of documentation, contains a vast number of personal dossiers on Jewish and other victims of Nazi German racial policies. The German Central Archive, containing data on the fate of some 17 million people forced into hard labor by the Nazis will be fully opened to historians, according to a government announcement in mid-April.

In November, the 68th anniversary of Reichskristallnacht, Munich's new synagogue was consecrated on Jackobsplatz in the city center. "Today we can show the entire world that Hitler did not succeed in annihilating us," said Zentralrat President Charlotte Knobloch. The 550-seat synagogue, part of a complex that will house a Jewish community center, cafe, schools and a Jewish history museum, will serve the 9,000-strong Jewish community. Funding came from the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria and the local Jewish community. The ceremony was attended by German president Horst Köhler, who declared, “It is the duty of each and every one of us to get involved and act to prevent people being abused, injured or even murdered due to their religion, origin or appearance.”

 

 Political Parties and extremist groups

According to the Federal Office for the Defense of the Constitution (BfV), extreme right-wing activists numbered 39,900 in 2006 (2005: 40,000), including 4,200 neo-Nazis. As in 2005, 10,400 were classified as ready to use violence. Violent manifestations motivated by extreme right ideology increased by 9.3 percent to 1,115 (2005:1,047) while the total number of crimes linked to the extreme right increased by about 15 percent in 2006 to 18,142 (15,914 in 2005), some 50 percent higher than in 2004.

 

Extreme Right Parties

The Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (German National Democratic Party − NPD), founded in Hannover in 1964 by Adolf von Thadden, Friedrich Thielen and Waldemar Schütz, is the oldest and the most influential extreme right-wing party in Germany. After Günter Deckert, chairman of the NPD from 1990 was charged with racial incitement and sentenced to two years imprisonment in April 1995, Udo Voigt became head in 1996. In November 2006 Voight was re-elected chairman at the NPD convention in Berlin. Under his chairmanship the party has been successful in opening its ranks to young skinheads and neo-Nazis, especially from east Germany. The monthly Deutsche Stimme (circulation, 21,000 copies) has been published since 1976.

The NPD, referred to by former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder as “a latter-day version of Hitler’s Nazi party,” is continuing its strategy of building an extreme right Volksfront, doubling its membership, according to its own sources, to 7,000 between 1996 and 2006. Notably, the NPD was the only one among the three German extreme right parties to increase its membership in 2006.

The NPD uses 131 (2005:100) websites to disseminate its propaganda. After receiving, on 17 September, 7.3 percent of the vote in the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania regional elections (6 seats in the 71 member parliament), the NPD felt confident enough to create its own online news show on its home site. The program is disseminated mainly for propaganda purposes and includes details about the party’s election achievements, Voigt’s speeches from party headquarters, video films of party demonstrations, such as that in front of a Jewish center and the memorial march for Hitler’s deputy Rudolf Hess. At the end of each show, viewers are invited to send comments “to support the national cause.” In mid-September 2006 the NPD founded the Nationalen Frauenring (National Women’s League), for NPD women.

Ideologically, the NPD stands for “German völkisch socialism.” It focuses mainly on campaigning against globalization (Nationalisten gegen Globalisierung − Nationalists against globalization) and anti-Israel/anti-Jewish incitement. It blames foreigners for Germany’s social and economic difficulties, and believes Germans have been made to feel too much guilt regarding the Holocaust. It is also extremely racist and anti-American. In 2003, the Federal Constitutional Court almost succeeded in outlawing the NPD as an unconstitutional party (see ASW 2002/3).

In 2006 the NDP continued its campaigns of:

  • Kampf (Schlacht) um die Strasse (Struggle for the street), with parades, demonstrations or meetings held throughout Germany, but mostly in the former DDR, almost every weekend, together with sympathizers from the neo-Nazi scene, Kameradschaften. and often with a guest from abroad.
  • Kampf um die Parlamente (Struggle for the parliaments), which was especially successful in the 2004, January 2005 (see ASW 2005) and September 2006 elections. According to the BfV, the vote for the extreme right is no longer a protest vote but part of an ideological trend. Claudia Roth, head of the Greens, considers the gains of the NPD a threat to German democracy. In the wake of its election successes, Voigt said he planned to “strengthen our current bastions” and then “energetically make advances in the west [Germany].” Next on the NPD’s agenda is the Bavarian state election in 2008 and national parliamentary elections in 2009.
  • Kampf um die Köpfe (Struggle for the mind), which includes not only opening the party to radical right-wing elements but also recruitment from other political sectors. The NPD seeks to attract left-wing voters especially in east Germany, where Oskar Lafontaine, of the left-wing WASP/PDS party, stated that German labor needs to be protected from foreign workers.

The NPD presents itself as an anti-capitalist party and often uses extremist left-wing terminology. “In terms of criticism, there are many similarities,” declared NPD spokesman Klaus Beier during anti-globalization discussions (see Der Spiegel online, 23 April 2007). "Sometime in the near future, there will be joint activities," adding that on a grass-roots level, there were already talks between far right activists and far left globalization opponents.

In the “struggle for minds,” the party also tries to recruit conservative university students to run for leadership positions. Similarly, Saxony State Parliament Member Jurgen Gansel told German Focus magazine (17 Dec.) that the NPD intended to infiltrate parent advisory councils and unions in Munich and Dresden.

During a press conference in November the NPD introduced the Dresdner Schule (Dresden School), founded to serve the party as a think-tank (to be distinguished from the Frankfurt School − a group of neo-Marxist philosophers from 1923 centered around Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno). The school aims to combat multiculturalism and establish a revisionist historical understanding in order to help the German people recover from their so-called guilt mentality, supposedly a consequence of Jewish pressure groups. A brochure, (Schulungsbroschüre der NPD, 2, Auflage Juni 2006), published in June 2006 and distributed among party members only, furnishes NPD functionaries with arguments in public debates, such as whether or not the NPD is an antisemitic party. Among others, author Jürgen.W.Gansel, refers to “the Holocaust industry” − “a word of the Jew Norman Finkelstein… which will not succeed in “blackmail[ing] us [the NPD] 60 years after the war… There must be an end to the psychological warfare of Jewish pressure groups against our nation [Volk].”

  • Kampf um den organisierten Willen (Struggle for the organized will) − the attempt to achieve power through the merging of all national groups and parties, was added by Voigt at the 2004 party convention.

On 23 July, NPD leader Udo Voigt, and 40 NPD members were detained by police in Verden for chanting “Israel − international genocide centre.”

The Republikaner (REPS) party was founded in 1983 by two former Christian Democratic MPs who disagreed with the CDU/CSU soft line on the DDR. Franz Schönhuber (see ASW 2005), party chairman for almost ten years from 1986, tried to turn the REPS into a far right alternative to the Christian Democrats. The REPS have been led since 1994 by Dr. Rolf Schlierer.

The REPS defend the welfare state but want to limit its benefits to native Germans. This political concept was symbolized by the image of a crowded lifeboat representing Germany which has played a prominent role in their propaganda. In parallel, they campaign against the africanization and islamization of German society.

REPS membership has decreased steadily, by more than half since 2000 to 6,000 in 2006. The youth group Republikaner Jugend has tried to dissociate itself from extremist parties such as the NPD and DVU (see below), with slogans such as “Socialist – Patriotic – Ecologic.” Like all extreme right parties, the REPS use the Internet extensively. Their party organ Der Republikaner is online (http://www.der-republikaner.de).

The largest extreme right party (membership in 2006, ca. 8,500), is the Deutsche Volksunion (German Peoples’ Union − DVU), has been dominated since its founding in 1987 by the millionaire publisher Dr. Gerhard Frey. The party distributed 250,000 copies of a CD entitled “Stolz und Frei” (Proud and Free) in front of schools in mid-March 2006 in an attempt to recruit young voters during their election campaign. The CD contains rock music with nationalist lyrics and the DVU ‘anthem’.

The DVU weekly, National-Zeitung/Deutsche Wochenzeitung, reflects the party’s xenophobic, antisemitic, anti-American and anti-Israel tendencies. During Angela Merkel’s visit to Israel, the June 2006 issue portrayed the chancellor as a dog waiting for orders to act according to Jewish and Israeli interests in front of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, representating former PM Ariel Sharon.

 

Extra-parliamentary Groups

Since 1995 most neo-Nazis − 108 of the 160 that were active in 2006 − have been organized into extra-parliamentary Freie Kameradschaften (free associations). The only nationwide neo-Nazi organization is the Organization for the Assistance of National Political Prisoners and Their Families (HNG), founded in 1979. The HNG, with some 600 members, publishes the journal Nachrichten HNG (600 copies per month). The HNG site, HNG-Nachrichten.com, which was registered with American neo-Nazi Gerhard Lauck of the NSDAP-AO, Lincoln, Nebraska, was no longer online in 2006/7. Activities of the HNG diminished in 2006, probably due to the advanced age of its members (See BfV-report)

There was a slight decrease in extreme right publications: 86 in 2006 compared to 90 in 2005. Nevertheless, 4.4 million copies were distributed compared to 4.2 million the previous year.

Although the number of German extreme right Internet sites remained the same as in 2005 (1,000), the web presence of Kameradschaften tripled in three years. One-hundred-and-ninety comradeships used Internet sites in 2006 to disseminate their propaganda and recruit new members, as did 131 local NDP groups (2005:120).

In addition to highly professional far right music portals on the web, the use of video portals was also on the rise. Like the NPD, extreme right groups use short films − popular among young people worldwide, especially through YouTube – to disseminate their ideology. Videos of demonstrations with illegal Nazi banners for example, appear all over the web. Music videos are highly popular among youth who are susceptible to hate messages. In order to avoid prosecution, the producers of these films usually remain anonymous. On Internet forums, messages with radical neo-Nazi, antisemitic and/or racist content are disseminated under fake names. Skadid Forum, Germanic Online Community, is the largest among them, with 20,000 members (according to their own sources).

The decrease in skinhead concerts from 193 in 2005 to 163 in 2006 does not necessarily point to a decrease in far right music dissemination and distribution. On the contrary, Internet downloads are on the rise and 91 (2005: 75) distributors, marketed skinhead music played and performed by 152 (2005:142) bands in 2006.

 

Muslims in Germany and Antisemitism

As in France, youths originating in Muslim countries are behind many violent attacks on Jews in Germany. According to the BfV, 32,150 people were linked to radical Islamist organizations in Germany. However, youths responsible for attacks on Jewish pupils are not necessarily connected to any organization. German-Turkish journalist Ahmet Senyurt explains that they have been indoctrinated by antisemitic hatred, mainly through highly influential antisemitic programs on satellite TV and videos from Arab countries, which disseminate anti-Jewish and anti-Israel hate propaganda widely among the immigrant population throughout Europe. The Iranian series Zahra’s Blue Eyes or For You Palestine, which depicts the government of Israel as stealing organs from Palestinian children, was shown in Turkish in Germany in 2006 on Milli Görüs’ TV5.

There are 1.5 million Muslims of Turkish origin living in Germany. Turkish Islamists of the Milli Görüş movement are also suspected of selling a DVD for children entitled The Children of al-Aqsa, at the Central Mosque in Hamburg. The DVD portrays Jews as murderers and Palestinian terrorists as heroic resistance fighters. Peter Wagenknecht from the Kreuzberg-based project “Educational Building Blocks against Antisemitism” found that Muslim students were increasingly using the word ‘Jew’ in a pejorative sense. He explains this phenomenon, inter alia, by the fact that once youngsters from Arab or Turkish families have been politicized by the conflict in the Middle East, their anti-Israel attitude often turns into open antisemitism.

Antisemitic and anti-Israel indoctrination especially of Muslim youth has yielded results. There was a significant increase in numbers of antisemitic attacks carried out by Muslims in Germany. Since the beginning of the Second Intifada, in September 2000, police statistics indicate that Islamic incitement and antisemitic graffiti in Berlin have increased by 100 percent. The police registered 88 antisemitic incidents perpetrated by Muslims, 7 of them violent attacks. Director of the Berlin Police Peter-Michael Häberer warned against underestimating the relatively small number of Muslim perpetrators, emphasizing that their psychological influence was important. In this context, German expert on Islam Claudia Dantschke explained that for extreme Muslims, Israel was a symbol and proof that the Jew was evil; moreover, a synthesis had been created between criticism of Israel and classic antisemitic stereotypes.

In an article published on 21 December in Die Welt, and entitled “How Islamists and Neo-Nazis Form a New Axis of Evil,” historian Prof. Michael Wolffsohn noted that cooperation between Islamists and right-wing extremists, which began in 2000, has become steadily stronger. Bavaria’s Interior Minister Günther Beckstein (CSU) also saw the “first signs” of such cooperation. Beckstein referred to right-wing extremist “admiration” for Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who labeled the Holocaust a myth, as well as for the Muslim/Palestinian struggle against Israel, which facilitates the dissemination of Holocaust denial. During a summer fair of the NPD in Regensburg held on 10 June, the Iranian flag was hoisted as a sign of solidarity with Iran. The NPD can thus express its views without being subject to the German law against Holocaust denial. Although cooperation between the two movements is not close, Germany’s security authorities are scrutinizing developments. Zentralrat President Charlotte Knobloch also warned of new forms of right-wing extremism in Germany, namely, collaboration with Islamists based on their shared antisemitism.

 

Antisemitic manifestations

The BfV recorded a total of 1,636 antisemitic incidents motivated by extreme right ideology, a slight decrease compared to 1,658 the previous year. A similar trend was observed in regard to violent attacks on Jews: down from 49 in 2005 to 43 in 2006.

 

Violence, Vandalism and Insults

Despite this decrease in 2006, there was a dramatic surge in antisemitic manifestations, especially involving Jewish pupils and youth, in the German capital Berlin. To some extent, this was part of the overall growth of violence at Berlin schools, which rose by 600 percent between 2002 and 2006. Because Jewish children have increasingly faced the hatred of Muslim as well as extreme right youth, the Jewish community advised parents to send their children to Jewish schools. Berlin’s Jewish community has already issued warnings about “a new dimension of antisemitism.” Young religious Jews hide their skullcaps under a hat whenever they venture onto the street. Following are some examples of violent antisemitic attacks which took place at schools:

On 1 December a group of young people of Middle Eastern appearance attacked a 14-year-old Jewish girl, a pupil at the Lina Morgenstern High School in Berlin-Kreuzberg, as she was on her way home. She suffered blows to the head and back, after weeks of taunting and verbal abuse. On several occasions she had to be accompanied to school by the police. On 12 October a 16-year-old boy was forced by three classmates in the Parey secondary school in Saxony-Anhalt to wear a Nazi-style placard around his neck during lunch break; the sign said “I’m the biggest pig in town, only with Jews do I hang around”(Ich bin am Ort das grösste Schwein, ich lass mich nur mit Juden ein). Branding the incident “disgusting,” Saxony-Anhalt Minister of the Interior Holger Hovelmann said that the NSDAP and SA had humiliated people in Germany in this way when the Nazis came to power in 1933.

Verbal attacks on Jewish youth also rose in 2006, and the word ‘Jew’ has become a popular insult (see Spiegel Online, 8 Dec.). This phenomenon was observed increasingly during soccer games in 2006. For example, in November Muslim soccer players from TSV Helgoland insulted Jewish players from the TuS Maccabi team. Earlier, in September, antisemitic fans of VSG Glienicke in East Berlin shouted “Jew-pig out,” and “We are building you a subway to Auschwitz,” at Jewish players. On 26 September, players from the TuS Maccabi club walked off the field at the 78th minute due to a tirade of antisemitic abuse hurled at them during a soccer match against VSG Altglienicke II of Treptow, East Berlin. Fans chanted “Gas the Jews,” “Synagogues must burn again” and “Auschwitz is back.” Four people were arrested on 8 July following a barrage of Nazi slogans and antisemitic insults during a soccer match in Gross Laasch.

Nazi-style slogans were reported throughout the country such as in the small town of Finsterwalde, where on 20 May the words “Germans: Beware! Don’t buy from Jews!”(Deutsche wehrt euch - kauft nicht bei Juden) and a meter-high swastika, were painted on a shop window. In Berlin, antisemitic and xenophobic slogans such as “Jews Out” and “Turks Out” were painted on a tram station.

As noted in previous years, desecration of Jewish cemeteries and Holocaust memorials as well as vandalism of Jewish sites, was reported throughout Germany several times weekly (see bnr.de). On 9 November, for example, neo-Nazis, some shouting “Heil Hitler,” tore up wreaths and broke candles at the memorial in Frankfurt/Oder where Jewish community leaders and city officials had marked the anniversary of Reichskristallnacht (Night of Broken Glass, 1938) at the site of the synagogue destroyed there. The president of the state of Brandenburg, Matthias Platzeck, labeled the desecration an unacceptable provocation. The mayor of Frankfurt/Oder, Martin Patzelt, repeated the ceremony the next day.

 

Attitudes to the Nazi Past, Racism and the Extreme Right

Some 60 years after World War II the Holocaust is gradually losing its relevance in German collective memory and the “grace period” (Andrei S. Markovits, "A New (or Perhaps Revived) ‘Uninhibitedness’ toward Jews in Germany,” Jewish Political Studies Review 18:1-2 (Spring 2006)) granted the Jews is now a thing of the past. According to a survey published by the Bertelsmann Foundation in January 2007, 58 percent of Germans would like to leave the past behind (see Bertelsmann Foundation survey).

A consequence of this desire for Schlusstrich (drawing a line under the past), and the ending of the so-called special relationship between Germany and Israel (see below) is the relativization of Hitler’s Germany and the perception of the Jewish Israeli, and hence the Jew, as the ultimate perpetrator, who is often compared to the Nazis. Thus, in the opinion of many, Jews have now become the oppressors of the ‘real victims’ − the Palestinians. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation survey, 30 percent of Germans agreed strongly or partially with the statements: “What the State of Israel is doing to the Palestinians is no different in principle from what the Nazis did to the Jews,” and “Israel is waging a war of extermination against the Palestinians.”.

This argumentation has not only been adopted by extremists both to the right and left of the political spectrum but has entered the mainstream discourse. A petition signed by 25 German academics and published in Frankfurter Rundschau (15 Nov.), called to abandon the “special relationship” with Israel, established because of the Holocaust, so that Palestinian suffering might be acknowledged to be a result of the Holocaust. According to historian Christian V. Ditfurth, the anti-Zionist position common in German universities, which began in the 1970s, has been revealed as a front for antisemitism (see http://www.cditfurth.de/artikelhome.htm).

On 8 November the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (SPD) published the results of a survey on the themes of antisemitism, xenophobia and attitudes toward the Nazis, conducted in May−June 2006 among 5,000 Germans by the University of Leipzig, under Prof. Elmar Braehler. The study demonstrated the presence of extreme right views among all ages and social classes of German society. Fifteen percent of all Germans longed for a strong leader (Führer); 26 percent wanted a one-party system representing the Volksgemeinschaft (national community); 18 percent believed that Jews had undue influence and almost 14 percent thought of Jews as outsiders who did not fit in well. Fifteen percent of respondents considered Germans superior “by nature” to other cultures; 40 percent believed Germany was dangerously swamped by foreigners. The findings of the survey show that neither education nor affiliation with a specific political party or church mitigates these opinions. (Note that this study was criticized by political scientist Klaus Schröder, Berlin, among others, who thinks the choice of persons polled was not representative. He also criticized the methodology of the survey.)

The Bertelsmann Foundation survey found a decrease of 3 percent over the previous 16 years in regard to antisemitic attitudes: only one-third of Germans still agreed with the assertion that “Jews have too much influence in the world” compared to 1991 when 36 percent supported this classic antisemitic statement.

Findings of an ongoing survey (2002−12) published by Prof. Wilhelm Heitmeyer, Bielefeld University, showed differences between east and west Germany in attitudes toward xenophobia and racism in 2006. Respondents in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, east Germany, had the highest rate of xenophobia among those surveyed (63 percent). The study also showed that people with little education are more inclined toward racism and xenophobia. Heitmeyer’s study found that right-wing extremism often begins at school.

On 20 August the BfV reported that Saxony, which includes Dresden and Leipzig, is the stronghold of neo-Nazism in Germany. Of every 100,000 inhabitants, 75 hold ultra-right views, while the average throughout Germany is 47. The extreme right is potentially more active in east than in west Germany.

Although an increase in extreme right criminal acts in 2006 was observed throughout the country, it was especially marked in east Germany where rural areas seem to be especially amenable to extreme right propaganda. Here, as observed in previous years, a lack of activities for the young is the main reason for their attraction to neo-Nazi propaganda. Most recruiting is done in rural areas, a phenomenon called ‘village fascism’. Music is one strategy used by the far right to recruit east German youth. The NPD has assimilated these findings into their modus operandi and sponsors trips to demonstrations and concerts, including free beer and lunches (see ASW 2005). Notably, there is a greater tendency toward antisemitic attitudes (though not reflected in numbers of incidents) in west Germany than in the east, mostly concentrated in the rich states, such as Bavaria.

 

Second Lebanon War

Mainstream coverage of the summer 2006 war also boosted the Feindbild (enemy image) of Israel and caused an increase in antisemitic manifestations. Jewish communities received an unprecedented amount of antisemitic insults and threat letters throughout this period.

An analysis by Media Tenor International of news coverage of Germany’s public TV stations ARD and ZDF during the Second Lebanon War, from 21 July to 3 August, showed a significant anti-Israel bias. Its conclusions, published on 11 August, found that the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) were portrayed primarily in violent actions while Hizballah fighters were seldom shown; the victims were Lebanese, seldom Israeli. According to Prof. Frank Brettschneider, chairman of the Communication Sciences Department, University of Hohenheim, the IDF was not presented as the army of a democracy but of a country following the precept of ‘an eye for an eye’.

 

responses to antisemitism

As observed in previous reports, Every weekend demonstrations, parades and meetings of extreme right activists and sympathizers, including neo-Nazis and skinheads, take place in Germany, frequently in provincial towns and villages. Noteworthy in 2006 was the rising number of counter-demonstrators − anti-fascists, who often outnumbered the extreme right marchers and stymied the intentions of the organizers.

For example, despite a ban on their annual demonstration, about 700 neo-Nazis gathered at the military cemetery in Seelow on 18 November, only to be met by 8,000 protestors against far right extremism, Moreover, for many years extreme right activists would meet in the military cemetery of Halbe to honor Hitler’s Wehrmacht soldiers on the eve of the German annual day of mourning for fallen soldiers. On 25 October, the State Parliament of Potsdam passed, by a large majority, a law banning neo-Nazi meetings at the Halbe location.

On 14 October, 227 NPD members demonstrated in Hamburg under the banner “National Jobs, not International Profits.” The participants carried posters branding Israel a “ZOG [Zionist Occupational Government],” and insulting the US and “the System.” About 1,900 counter-demonstrators were present. Also on this date, thousands of people protested against neo-Nazis who rallied in Nuremberg against the war crimes trials held there over 60 years previously. (On 1 October 1946, the Nuremberg Tribunal sentenced 12 Nazis to death by hanging.). Seventy right-wing extremists, including neo-Nazi leader Christian Worch, who marched through Minden on Christmas Eve, 24 December, were countered by some 500 anti-fascists. On 28 October thousands demonstrated against a NPD march in Lower Saxony and Saxony Anhalt. In Gottingen 4,000 persons demonstrated against a rally of 200 followers of the NPD and Kameradschaften. Counter-demonstrators far outnumbered right-wing extremists.

Among the hundreds of groups and organizations, both governmental and NGOs, combating racism, xenophobia and antisemitism, with thousands of activists throughout Germany, one individual is outstanding. Turkish immigrant Aycan Demirel, who lives in Kreuzberg, Berlin, founded in 2004 the Kreuzberg Initiative to Fight Antisemitism (KIGA), with the goal of countering radical and antisemitic Islamist propaganda. Teachers of Turkish and Arab origin work through schools to combat antisemitism, especially in Muslim communities. Demirel believes that criticism of Israel’s policies should not be a pretext to propagate hatred of Jews.

The following examples demonstrate a few of the numerous responses to antisemitism, xenophobia and racism in 2006 in the fields of education, legislation and police activities.

In spring the German Office for Political Education distributed study sheets entitled “The Issue: Antisemitism - to Study, Understand and Recognize Antisemitic Manifestations, including anti-Zionism, in Germany,” by historian Dr. Juliane Wetzel.

In July, the state of Brandenburg banned the neo-Nazi group Schutzbund Deutschland (Protection Alliance Germany) for inciting racial hatred, and removed its website from the Internet. Police raided 14 locations and confiscated tens of thousands of brochures, posters, stickers and other neo-Nazi emblems. The group had also put out a flyer against Germany’s Ghanaian born soccer player Gerald Asamoah. In early March 2006, 119 members of the neo-Nazi movement Blood and Honor were arrested in Bavaria.

On 2 August, the Dresden District Court sentenced Thomas Sattelberg, leader of the banned SSS, to 8 months in prison for membership in a banned organization. In view of a previous suspended sentence he now faces 32 months in prison. The SSS was founded in 1996 and banned by Saxony’s interior minister in 2001, when it had about 80 members; after the ban about 25 continued their activities.

Many investigations, charges and bans are related to the music field, that is,. lyrics of neo-Nazi or extreme right bands that distribute forbidden racist, xenophobic and antisemitic propaganda through the most popular medium among youth. For example, on 22 November, Max Hirsch, Bjoern Andrejka, Gerhard Miller and Sven Roland Stuetz, who make up the extreme right band Race War, were convicted of forming an illegal organization to promote racial hatred. They received suspended sentences of 17 to 23 months. Their music glorifies Nazism. Banned in Germany, their hate propaganda was allegedly distributed from the US or Belgium. In 2004 during a Blood and Honour festival in Belgium, Hirsch sang: “We are proud Nazis.” Other lyrics call to fight Israel.

On 14 November Germar Rudolf (alias Scheerer) went on trial in Mannheim, accused of denying the Holocaust and insulting the memory of the dead. Holocaust denial is a crime in Germany carrying a prison sentence of up to five years. Holocaust denier Ernst Zündel was being tried in the same court. Both were represented by the same defense attorney, neo-Nazi Jürgen Rieger. Rudolf branded the Holocaust a fraud at the start of his trial.

 





 
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