ARAB COUNTRIES 2004
No particular event in 2004 in the Middle East or in the world in general prompted an upsurge in antisemitic manifestations
in Arab countries. Arab states were preoccupied with their own internal affairs and
with regional political upheavals, especially the war in Iraq, the war against terror and the process of democratization enforced by the US vision of the world. However, reactions to these events revealed a prevailing belief in
conspiracy theories and in the long, unseen hand of Jews and Israelis,
allegedly driven by their traditional enmity toward Islam, Muslims and Arabs
and their desire to control the world. American columnist Thomas Friedman’s
assertion that the trend identifying Jews, Israel and America as a single threat had widened since 11 September 2001[1] was supported by a survey conducted by the Washington-based Pew Research Center in Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan and Turkey as well as by other surveys. Thus,
93 percent of people surveyed in Jordan had a somewhat or very unfavorable view
of the US, while in Morocco the figure was 68 percent. According to Andrew
Kohut, the director of the Pew Center, this tendency, reflecting anger rather
than hatred and distrust, was confined not only to the US but to all outsiders. The enduring popularity of Usama bin Ladin – rated positively by 55 percent
in Jordan, 65 percent in Pakistan and 45 percent in Morocco – underscored the
gulf between Muslim and western attitudes. The center considered the invasion
of Iraq and US support for Israel in the conflict with the Palestinians as the
prime causes of this trend.[2]
Ibrahim Nafi’, editor of the
mainstream Egyptian daily al-Ahram and author of the book The Phobia
of the Green Danger, accused the West, “and specifically those that are at
the helm of their empire of evil,” of being the “real terrorists” who had launched
an anti-Muslim campaign “ in order to impose their value systems on the Arab
and Islamic world.”[3] A wave of anti-Americanism also swept Cairo’s entertainment world. Movies, plays
and songs portraying American characters, such as Alexandria… New York, by leading Egyptian film director Yusuf Shahin, which “was brimming with
resentment toward the US,” were very popular, reported David Williams in the Washington
Post. Two stage productions lambasted US foreign policy, and the songs “Attack
on Iraq” and “Road Map,” by popular Egyptian singer Sha’ban `Abd al-Rahim,
notorious for his hit “I Hate Israel,” criticized Arab subservience and accused
the US of perpetrating the September 11 attacks and of being an Israeli clone.[4]
Similar views on the US intertwined with a negative portrayal of Zionists and Jews were expressed by other Arab
writers, especially Syrians and Islamists. The Arab Writers Association in Damascus held a series of lectures in January 2004, at which the Jews were depicted as
racists who patronized the Arabs.[5] The history of the Jews and “their Talmud,” wrote Marwan al-Khalidi in the
Jordanian Islamist weekly al-Sabil “are full of blood, treason,
falsehood, deceit, killing and destruction.” These characteristics were
conspicuous in the works of many writers such as Shakespeare, Gogol, Karl Marx
and Roger Garaudy, claimed Fatina Salih al-Kurdi in an article in the Kuwaiti
weekly Majallat al-Kuwait.[6] Likewise, demonization of Prime Minister (PM) Ariel Sharon continued, especially
following Israeli military retaliations against the Palestinians when he was
depicted in cartoons as a bloodthirsty Dracula, or as Hitler with blood
dripping from his hands.[7]
Jews and Israelis were blamed
for every disaster which befell Arabs and Muslims, as well as for terrorist
attacks, such as the March 11 bombings in Madrid and the October attack in the Egyptian
Red Sea resort of Taba. The sudden deterioration and death of Palestinian
Authority (PA) Chairman Yasir Arafat in November prompted charges that Israel had poisoned him.
Several other issues, among
them the 25th anniversary of the Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement, the
Holocaust, the controversy over Mel Gibson’s film The Passion, the
American act against antisemitism and the European campaign to combat
antisemitism triggered commentaries and discussions which revealed the extent to
which traditional antisemitic prejudices and beliefs are entrenched in Arab
thought. However, it should be noted that a few voices denounced extremism,
terrorism and the resort to conspiracy theories, not only because they damaged
the Arab cause but also because they obfuscated the Arabs’ ability to tackle
their own problems.
This chapter consists of six
parts:
a. Blaming the Jews – an Arab and Muslim perspective of events
b. Diminishing incitement in the Palestinian Authority
c. The Egyptian view 25 years after the peace agreement with Israel
d. Saudi Arabia on the defensive
e. Reactions to international efforts to combat antisemitism
f. References to the Holocaust in the Arab discourse
Blaming the Jews – An Arab and Muslim perspective of
events
The continued state of war in Iraq, and the accompanying bloody resistance of Islamist rebels, was a major cause of the
deteriorating attitude toward the US and its identification with Israeli/Jewish
interests in the Arab world. To indicate their distrust and rejection of the
troops of the “Nazi American-Zionist occupation,” Iraqis reportedly refer to
American soldiers as “the Jews.”[8] Jews were blamed for the sectarian war raging between Sunnis and Shi`ites.
Cartoons in the Bahraini paper Akhbar al-Khalij and Omani al-Watan depicted them as gnawing at Iraqi territory or collaborating with the devil in
igniting sectarianism and civil war. Der Stürmer-like caricatures
of Sharon enjoying the Iraqi bloodbath or encouraging American President Bush
to drink Iraqi blood personified the Jew in Egyptian and Jordanian mainstream
papers.[9] Reports on Jewish infiltration of Iraq as soldiers or settlers typified the
Islamist discourse. Claiming that America was fighting in Iraq on behalf of
Israel, Sudanese preacher Shaykh `Abd al-Jalil al-Karuri alleged in a Friday
sermon broadcast on television on 19 November that there were 1000 Jewish
soldiers fighting in Falluja, together with 37 rabbis sent there to raise their
morale. In another sermon transmitted in August, he branded the Jews “mosquitoes”
and “malaria microbes” who were hastening America’s death.[10] The Egyptian Islamist paper al-Sha`b repeatedly referred to the judaization
of Iraq and the settlement of 150,000 Jews in the northern Kurdish zone with
the intention of establishing a “second Zionist state”’ it also attacked Iraqi
PM Ayyad `Alawi, claiming he was a Mossad agent and a traitor with Zionist
blood in his veins.[11] The mainstream Egyptian paper al-Akhbar even alleged that the Jews were
orchestrating the killings and kidnappings in Iraq in order to spread anarchy
and sedition.[12]
Allegations that the Jews or
the US had masterminded the 9/11 events persisted in the Arab media, especially
in Egyptian papers. Army officers, scholars and commentators, such as General
Mahmud Khalaf, economics professor Jalal Amin and al-Akhbar editor Jalal
Dawidar, continued to maintain that there still was no conclusive proof
regarding the identity of the perpetrators, and reiterated claims made
immediately after the attacks that the Israeli Mossad had perpetrated them in
an attempt to divert attention from Israel’s barbaric operations against the
Palestinians; that 4000 Jews did not report to work in the Trade Center’ that
101 Jewish businessmen supposedly holding tickets did not board the four
hijacked planes because of prior knowledge of the plan; and that several
Israelis were arrested by the American authorities after they were caught with
maps showing the routes of the planes.[13]
Similar reactions were
expressed after each of the terrorist attacks carried out during the year by
Muslim extremists who either belonged to al-Qa`ida or identified with its
views. On 11 March explosions at two train stations in Madrid killed about 200
passengers and injured many more; at the beginning of September Chechen
militants raided a school in Besalan, Russia, held hundreds of children hostage
and caused scores of casualties in the course of the rescue operation; in
October an attack on the Egyptian resort of Taba claimed the lives of over 30
tourists, including Israelis; and a wave of suicide bombings took place in May
and December against western companies and housing complexes in Saudi Arabia.
Zionists or the Jews were blamed, despite statements by Islamist groups taking
responsibility for the actions as well as admissions by bin Ladin or his deputy
Ayman al-Zawahiri. “It is the Jews and their filthy unseen hands who play their
role expertly in order to harm the Arabs and Muslims and to intensify hatred
toward them,” claimed al-Jumhuriyya deputy editor `Abd al-Wahhab `Adas
after the Madrid bombings.[14] Some commentators saw the incident in Besalan as part of a power struggle
between Russian President Putin and Jewish oligarchs. “The most important goal
of the wanted Jewish gang was to distort Putin’s public image,” wrote George Haddad
in Jordan’s daily al-Dustur. “Zionism has been the source of terror in
the past and in the present,” claimed a Russian site quoted by a Kuwaiti
weekly.[15] Likewise, the attacks on the Taba Hilton and two other Sinai resorts on 7
October were attributed to Israel and the Mossad. Only Israel, which is interested in embarrassing Egypt and in hurting Egyptian tourism, stood to gain from
the bombings, it was argued. “Sharon and his ilk are responsible for what
happened,” insisted pro-Islamist writer Fahmi Huwaydi in al-Ahram. In
the same article he described Israeli operations in Gaza as “a war of
annihilation,” and claimed that Arabs felt “distaste and hatred” toward
Israelis.[16] Al-Qa`ida, which called to intensify jihad during the month of Ramadan,
considered the attack in Taba as “an offering to Allah before Ramadan” because “a
dozen” Jews were killed.[17]
Israel was even accused of involvement
in the genocide in Darfur. Al-Ahram journalist Sa`id al-Lawundi pointed
to “Israeli fingers meddling” in Darfur, and turning it into an Israeli weapons
market, whereas Mu`tazz Ahmad, another Egyptian journalist, argued that Israel was attempting to split the Sudan into communities of races and minorities.[18] Even the tsunami which struck southeast Asia in December, causing mass death and
destruction, was perceived as punishment for the oppression and corruption
caused by America and the Jews, who according to Palestinian Shaykh Ibrahim
Mudayris “bring Muslims and others to prostitution.”[19]
All these conspiracy
theories were designed to explain the chaotic and inferior situation of Arab
and Muslim societies which consider themselves victims of a dominant
Judeo-Christian West. ‘Successful’ acts of terrorism were intended to lift the
head of the Muslim nation, declared the British-based Islamist group
al-Muhajirun in its call to celebrate the third anniversary of September 11 at
a rally in London.[20]
However, alongside these
beliefs was a growing sense of realization among Arab intellectuals,
politicians and religious scholars of the harmful effects of terrorism and of
the state of denial of Muslim involvement in it. Following the Madrid bombings several writers issued condemnations, emphasizing that Islam forbids random
killing of innocent people. Although some linked the attacks to American policy,
others recognized them for what they were − an illicit massacre of
innocent passengers − detrimental first and foremost to Muslim immigrant
communities in Europe.[21] Criticism was even more blatant after the incident in Besalan. Egyptian President
Mubarak and Jordan’s King `Abdallah denounced it, and even Egyptian Shaykh
al-Azhar Muhammad Tantawi, the highest religious authority in the Sunni world, emphasized
that the perpetrators were criminals unconnected to Islam. “Obviously not all
Muslims are terrorists,” wrote liberal columnist `Abd al-Rahman al-Rashid in al-Sharq
al-Awsat, but “the painful truth is that all terrorists are Muslims,” and “Islam
is discredited because of the new Muslims [extremist fundamentalists].” Acts of
violence and barbarism, added columnist Sulayman al-Hatlan in the Saudi daily al-Watan, are the natural consequence of instilling in generations of Muslims hostility
and hatred toward others.[22] Qatari scholar `Abd al-Hamid al-Ansari regretted Arab unwillingness to admit to
Muslim involvement in terrorist attacks. After publication of the findings of
the commission that investigated the September 11 events, he wondered whether Arabs
would have the courage to review their erroneous beliefs and their religious,
cultural and media discourse which pushed their youth toward a collision course
with the world. Stressing that these convictions were deeply rooted in
religion, in historical causes and in political circumstances, he pointed to
the negative depiction of the Children of Israel in the Qur'an and in the oral
tradition, nourishing the belief that the Jews are the cause of all evil in
the world and that the conflict with them would last until Judgment Day.[23]
Diminishing Incitement in the Palestinian Authority
By the end of the year, Israeli PM Sharon was
reportedly satisfied that anti-Israeli incitement in the Palestinian media had
diminished. Yet, this decline was seen by Itamar Marcus and Barbara Crook, who
monitor the Palestinian media, as a tactical measure which did not erase “widespread
and deep-seated beliefs within the PA leadership and society.” Marcus and Crook
provided examples of the ongoing indoctrination of schoolchildren in textbooks
and TV programs which taught them to hate Jews and deny Israel’s right to exist. They cited, for example, a program broadcast on 10 September, ‘Resurrection
Day’, during which Muslims are called on to avenge the Jews and pursue and kill
every one of them. Another program, transmitted in mid-December, compared Israel to “parasitic worms in the oceans that eat snails and then retreat to their shell.”[24]
In a television interview
broadcast on 6 February, Secretary of the Palestinian Legislative Council Ahmad
Nasir described Israel as a “Satanic offspring,” based on “racism, biblical
concepts, death, killing and destruction.” Notorious Palestinian preacher Shaykh
Ibrahim Mudayris continued to portray the Jews in his Friday sermons as “serpents”
and “cancer,” sparking war and civil strife. Referring to the oft-quoted
episode of the encounter between the Jews and the Prophet Muhammad in Medina,
their alleged betrayal and the war which brought about their banishment from
the Arab Peninsula, he claimed on 12 March: “The sons of apes and pigs [the
Jews],” were defeated because of their evil deeds, but today they are avenging
their ancient forefathers and some of the extremists are even demanding their
property in Medina.[25]
The Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center in Herzaliya published in September a report exposing antisemitic
manifestations in PA schools and on TV, pointing to themes such as rejection of
Israel’s right to exist, encouraging jihad against the Jews and portraying
them as snakes and octopuses strangling the Palestinians.[26] These messages were no different from the ideas appearing in the Hamas’ online
children’s magazine al-Fatih (The Conqueror), also surveyed by the center,
although Hamas tended more to glorify suicide attacks.[27]
Despite continued suicide bombings
in Israel and against Israeli targets in the West Bank, there was growing
criticism among Palestinians and discomfort regarding the ongoing intifada.
This was demonstrated in public opinion polls and in the discussion following
the suicide operation carried out on 14 January at the Erez crossing by Rim
Salih al-Riyashi, a mother of two and the first female bomber sent by Hamas.
Palestinian columnists not only criticized the dispatch of women to such
missions, but questioned the advisability of such “pointless death.”[28] The assassination on 22 March of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin, founder and spiritual
leader of Hamas, threatened to ignite further attacks and suicide bombings
against Israel. Fugitive al-Qa`ida leader Usama bin Ladin and other Islamist
scholars, such as Yusuf al-Qardhawi and the Muslim Brothers’ general guide
Mahdi `Akif, called for revenge and for intensified jihad against Israel and
the US.[29] The Israeli act was seen as “state terrorism,” “a barbaric, base, cruel” and
unprecedented crime, which would exacerbate hatred and lead to a new wave of
escalation and confrontation.[30]
`Abd al-`Aziz al-Rantisi,
who succeeded Yasin as the movement’s leader in Gaza, and `Izz al-Din al-Qassam
Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, vowed to take revenge and declared an
open war with “the Zionist Jews.” Shaykh Yasin’s assassination, al-Rantisi
said, was “a cowardly crime,” and an attempt to assassinate the right of return
of the Palestinian people. In his statement, published on the Hamas electronic
site on 25 March, he used typical Islamic antisemitic motifs, referring to the
Jews as “the killers of the prophets,” and “despicable monkeys,” who had
further damaged their image and reputation by this act. He also blamed
President Bush “the enemy of God, Islam and Muslims” for giving his blessing to
the attack. Similar motifs appeared in Ibrahim Mudayris’ Friday sermon on 26
March, broadcast by PA TV.[31]
A month later, after the
killing of al-Rantisi on 18 April, similar sentiments and threats were
expressed across the Arab world and Hamas renewed its vow to wreak bloody
havoc. Writing in the leftist daily al-Ahali, Egyptian journalist Ahmad
`Abd al-Ghani branded Sharon a “Nazi war criminal” “who had launched a war of extermination
against the Palestinian people,” while `Abd al-Wahhab `Adas in al-Jumhuriyya and others claimed that the assassination had not diminished Palestinian determination
to resist the occupation. This time, however, the Arab voice was more muted,
wrote Yasmine el-Rashidi in al-Ahram Weekly.[32]
The death of PA chairman
Yasir Arafat after a sudden deterioration in his health on 11 November gave
rise to another conspiracy theory. The inconclusive report on the cause of
death led to speculations that he was poisoned by Israel, reinforcing rumors
that had begun during his illness and the secrecy surrounding it. Hamas
political leader Khalid Mash`al, who himself barely escaped a poisoning attempt
by Israeli agents in 1997, as well as other Palestinian leaders, decisively
blamed Israel: 80.3 percent of Palestinians interviewed for an opinion poll
conducted on 19 November by the Center for Opinion Polls at al-Najah University
in Nablus agreed. This conviction was shared by Arab commentators such as Ahmad
Nawfal of the Jordanian Islamist weekly al-Sabil and Mahmud Bakri of the
Egyptian opposition weekly al-Usbu`. Bakri claimed that while Israeli PM
Sharon was declaring that Arafat would disappear from the Palestinian scene, Israel had injected biological and chemical substances into Arafat’s water and surroundings.
It was not a conspiracy theory, maintained `Adli Sadiq in al-Hayat al-Jadida,
but a “one hundred percent crime.”[33] Although it might be argued that this belief derived from political rather than
antisemitic motives, the deep suspicions it revealed reflected a prevailing mindset
among the Palestinians, despite repeated refutations by both Israel and
Palestinian officials. Moreover, it provided an opportunity to attack Sharon
and his “fascist government.”[34]
The Egyptian views 25 years after
the peace agreement with Israel
The Egyptian media continued to attack Israel and its policies, often in antisemitic terms. Stressing the ‘symbiotic’ relationship
between the US and Israel in regard to developments in Palestine and Iraq, as
well as the Zionist/Jewish influence in shaping the negative US attitude toward
Arabs and Muslims, commentators looked for ‘the unseen hand’ behind these
events in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and in the
equation of Zionism with racism or Nazism and the employment of classical
Jewish stereotypes.
Referring to the new Arabic
translation of Pascal Bonifas’ book, Who Dares Criticize Israel?,
Egyptian scholar al-Sayyid Yasin pointed to “secret censorship” in France and “secret
plans” of the Zionist lobby in the US, meticulously carried out by the American
administration.[35] According to Egyptian commentator Hazim al-Bablawi, common explanations for
unconditional US support of Israel included the influence of the Jewish lobby
and its control over political decision-making centers at all levels; Jewish
control of the media and public opinion; Jewish interests in the banks and the
financial world; and the strengthening of Christian fundamentalist currents in
the US. Yet, above all, he maintained, there was the American people’s strong
identification with Israel based on similarities in their history, pioneering
experience, success and values.[36] Egyptian scholar Anwar `Abd al-Malik, attributed the source of Jewish power to
the Jewish pattern of immigration to the US. Whereas other European immigrant
communities, Italian, Polish, or Irish, had settled in particular centers and
districts, he claimed, Jewish immigrants had spread throughout the country,
first establishing networks of banks, finance, real estate, insurance and
entertainment, and then infiltrating the press and the media.[37]
American contempt for
Islamic symbols and for Muslims derived from Zionist teachings which originated
in the Protocols, asserted al-Shafi`i Bashir in the Egyptian opposition
paper al-Wafd. This text confirms that the Elders of Zion will “ride on
the back of the strongest country in the world,” establish an international
government and take control of the minds of its military generals, which indeed
they have done.[38] In an article published by the pro-Islamist paper al-Sha`b and entitled “Corrupt
Zionism and the Destruction of Human Values,” Nasir al-Fadhala wrote of “the invisible
presence of Zionism, the enemy of mankind” in every corrupt act in the world, as
instructed by the Protocols.[39]
In addition to countless
caricatures depicting PM Sharon in Nazi uniform and relishing bloodshed,
crucifying peace and admired by Hitler,[40] the equation of Zionist Jews with Nazis was repeated in numerous articles. In “Zionazism,”
published in al-Ahram, `Abd al-Malik Khalil enumerated the similarities
between Zionist and Nazi conduct, including concentration camps, the use of
internationally banned weapons and means of torture; expansionism, violation of
international agreements and arrogance, the notion of supremacy, spying and
terror, false propaganda, and turning their countries into “closed, racist,
isolated and hated” states.[41]
Intensified clashes between
the Israeli army and militant Palestinian groups in the Gaza Strip, which
culminated in IDF incursions into Rafah and in the assassination of Hamas
leaders Yasin and Ranitisi, not only further inflamed anti-Israel sentiments
and caused the suspension of an Egyptian delegation’s visit to Israel for the
commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Egyptian-Israeli
peace treaty in 26 March 1979,[42] but gave rise to classical antisemitic motifs. Khalid Amayreh created a link
between the military operation and the celebration of Purim in the same week. “The
Israeli army,” he contended, “saw to it that the Purim rituals were re-enacted
more authentically and that as much ‘enemy blood’ as international public
opinion would allow was shed.”[43]
Especially venomous were
articles published by Islamist writers, such as columnist Husam Wahba who, in
the Egyptian religious weekly `Aqidati, depicted the Jews as
bloodsuckers, and as violent and full of hatred toward non-Jews, pointing to
the Talmud and the Ten Commandments as the source of Jewish racism. Even the
word ‘Jew’ in English denotes “trickery, deceit…cunning and slyness, he
concluded.”[44] In an online chat room, former head of al-Azhar Fatwa Committee Shaykh `Atiyya
Saqr explained that according to the Qur’an, their evil traits outweighed their
good ones. Among the former, he mentioned: distorting divine revelation;
rebelling against the Prophets; deceit; hypocrisy; arrogance; and blood shedding.[45] Elaborating on Qur’anic verses, columnist Kamal `Abd al-Ra’uf foresaw the
Muslims’ extermination of the Jews. Contrary to the commonly held perception, the
idea of a Jewish homeland, as formulated in the Balfour Declaration, only
served the Islamic cause, he continued, because by gathering the Jews in Israel it facilitated their extermination.[46] The notion that Israel has no right to exist was also explicitly expressed in
interviews by the new general guide of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers Shaykh
Muhammad Mahdi `Uthman `Akif. However, he stressed that a distinction should be
made between Jews and Zionists.[47]
A similar view was pronounced
by Egyptian Islamist expert on Judaism and Zionism `Abd al-Wahhab al-Masiri,
who criticized the tendency to explain Zionist behavior by alluding to the
Torah, the Talmud and the Protocols. Zionism and Israel were not “Jewish phenomena,” he maintained. “They are two western colonial phenomena
which use Jewish styles.” It was in the Arab interest to protect the rights of
Jewish communities worldwide, he opined, since Zionism and antisemitism were
two sides of the same coin. Neither considered the Jews as part of the homeland
in which they lived and sought to get them out, but while antisemites did not
care where they went to, Zionists strove to bring them to Palestine.[48]
The annual Cairo Book Fair
in January and the Arab publishers' display at the Frankfurt Book Fair in
October exhibited books containing antisemitic, Holocaust denial and conspiracy
theory texts. Whereas the Cairo Fair drew only the attention of the ADL, which
surveyed some of the books in its Arab Media Review, the display of a
dozen books with “strong anti-Zionist themes” at the Frankfurt Book Fair and
the appearance of Egyptian editor of the French al-Ahram hebdo, Muhammad
Salmawi, to present Nobel laureate Najib Mahfuz’s address, drew strong
criticism from Jewish organizations such the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the
International Jewish Rights Organization, inter alia, because Salmawi had
supported Holocaust deniers Roger Garaudy and David Irving. The Wiesenthal Center representative submitted a complaint to the Frankfurt prosecutor’s office
concerning 13 books which reportedly contained negative depictions of the Jews
according to the Qur’an or alluded to Jewish involvement in conspiracies. The
complaint was rejected on the grounds of that the evidence was insufficient to
determine whether the books in question violated German laws which prohibit
publications denying the Holocaust or inciting hatred or crime. Representatives
of the Arab delegation refuted the center’s criticism, denying that they
promoted anti-Jewish views and claiming that while some books contained
anti-Zionist arguments, they were not racist.[49]
Saudi Arabia on the defensive
Saudi attitudes toward Zionists and Jews were
highlighted following two incidents: the launching of the Saudi Tourist Commission
website at the beginning of March; and the terrorist attack on the port city of
Yanbu` on 1 May. Among those prohibited from entering the kingdom the website
listed the “Jewish people,” as well as Israeli passport holders and “those who
do not abide by the Saudi tradition” or are under “the influence of alcohol.” A
few days later, reference to the Jews was removed after strong American
criticism embarrassed Saudi ambassador to the US Prince Bandar bin Sultan.
However, the ambassador’s father, who serves as the secretary general of the
Tourism Commission, accused the American press of seeking to portray the kingdom
as antisemitic in order to tarnish its image.[50]
After the terrorist attack
in May, Crown Prince `Abdallah bin `Abd al-`Aziz claimed that the Zionists were
responsible, and Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Sa`ud al-Faysal explained that “extremist
Zionist elements” were engaged in a vulgar smear campaign against the kingdom.
Saudi ambassador to the UK Prince Turki al-Faysal also asserted that the Zionists
were behind the al-Qa`ida attacks on his country. Saudi Arabia, he claimed, had
been “the butt of attacks by Zionists” for the past fifty years and
particularly since 11 September 2001.[51]
On 1 May the Saudi armed forces
journal al-Jundi [soldier] al-Muslim published an article on the
Jews in the modern era in its “Know your Enemy” section. Combining classical
and Islamic antisemitic motifs, it accused the Jews of fabricating the Torah,
acting according to the Talmud and The Protocols of the Elders of
Zion, instigating revolutions and wars, aspiring to control the world,
spreading corruption and annihilating all non-Jews.[52] Steven Stalinsky, executive director of the Middle East Media Research
Institute, asserted that “leading members of the Saudi royal family have been
at the forefront of espousing an extreme position of hatred toward Jews,
influencing the Kingdom’s educational system, press, mosques, and its foreign
and domestic policy.” In response, Princess Fahda bint Sa`ud claimed the
alleged references had been taken out of context. The people of Saudi Arabia, represented by their leaders, she said, were anti-Zionists but not
antisemites. Quoting Jewish anti-Zionist author Alfred Lilienthal, who
maintained that Arabs constituted the overwhelming majority of Semites, she
concluded that “Saudi kings can hardly be anti-Semites. They can’t be against
themselves and their [own] people.”[53]
Recurring terrorist attacks
in the country coupled with American criticism led to growing realization that the
Saudi educational curriculum was a breeding ground for extremism. Khalid
Batarfi, managing editor of the daily al-Madina, even published an
article criticizing Muslims who misrepresented Qur’anic verses in order to
justify hatred of Christians and Jews. The Qur’an does not condemn all Christians
and Jews, he wrote, but in their attempts “to serve their own interests and support
predetermined convictions,” those sophists looked for laws and precedents reinforcing
their cases while ignoring those that contradicted them.[54]
Reactions to International Efforts to Combat
Antisemitism
The discussion of antisemitism which began in
2003 in the wake of the situation in Europe, continued to dominate Arab public
discourse in early 2004 (see ASW 2003/4). The inclusion
of anti-Zionism and denial of Israel’s right to exist in the definition of the ‘new
antisemitism’ (see article “Defining Antisemitism”) drew
harsh Arab criticism. Antisemitism was a term “far too widely used and abused
by Israelis and Jews alike to answer any accusations of Palestinian
maltreatment and charges of anti-Arab American policy,” claimed journalist
Alasdair Soussi.[55] The American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee contested the definition of
antisemitism in the unabridged version of Webster’s Third New International
Dictionary: “… opposition to Zionism: sympathy with opponents of the State
of Israel,”[56] whereas Joseph Massad, a Palestinian professor of modern Arab politics and
intellectual history at Columbia University, argued that the term was “anachronistic
and ahistorical.” He contended that the main victims of antisemitism today were
Arabs and Muslims. “It is not Jews who are being murdered by the thousands by
Arab antisemitism,” he wrote, “but rather Arabs and Muslims who are being
murdered in the tens of thousands by Euro-American Christian antisemitism and
by Israeli Jewish anti-Semitism.”[57]
While many writers did not
deny the existence of hatred toward Jews or Israel in Europe or in the Arab
world, they insisted that it did not derive from antisemitism but from the “war
of extermination” against the Palestinians carried out by Sharon and his
government and seen nightly on television screens. Zionism and the Jews whose
racist beliefs about their racial supremacy guided Israel’s policies of
oppression and destruction antagonized the world. Hence, the accusation of
antisemitism had become a “sword” threatening whosoever criticized “aggressive racist
Israeli policies.”[58]
There were similar reactions
to the international conference on antisemitism held in Berlin in April under
the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE),
as well as to other international and state efforts to combat antisemitism. The
OSCE conference was described by Palestinians as a “red herring” and a “sly
distraction” aimed at diverting attention away from Israeli behavior. In an
interview to al-Jazira, Palestinian author Mahmud Namura asked which crime was
more serious: “desecration of a Jewish grave in some French town, or destroying
an entire neighborhood in Rafah? Scrawling a swastika on the wall of a Jewish
synagogue in Italy or turning Palestinian towns and villages into virtual
concentration camps?” Comparing Jews with Nazis, he claimed, was not a “sweeping
condemnation of Jews, but rather rejection of evil actions, behavior and
dogmas.”[59] This kind of conference, contended Jordanian scholar George Haddad, was taking
place in accordance with a plan devised by “international Zionism” in the wake
of the European opinion poll which revealed that Israel and the US were considered the states most threatening to world stability and peace. “It aims at
fighting by law and punishment whoever criticizes or denounces an Israeli crime
or a Jewish movement,” he said.[60] It would have been more appropriate, asserted an Egyptian journalist in Berlin, if the conference had dealt with negative attitudes toward the Arab and Muslim
communities in Europe or at least with Israeli violations against the
Palestinian people.[61] The Jewish sense of victimhood was “a political game” for exploiting others and
deepening the sense of guilt in the West, which was responsible for past
persecution of the Jews, argued Egyptian commentator Rajab al-Bana.[62]
Columnist Jihad al-Khazin considered
that the new antisemitism was not comparable to that of the 1930s. Traditional
antisemitism, which led to the Holocaust, was state directed whereas the new
antisemitism was expressed by individuals, mainly from the margins of society. It
should be denounced, he declared, but not used as an excuse for Israeli crimes.[63] Conferences and decisions would not eliminate antisemitism; the only way was to
deal with its causes, which were embedded in Israeli policies.[64]
In July Arab states opposed
efforts to introduce a General Assembly resolution condemning antisemitism. ADL
director Abraham Foxman stressed that this stand, which went beyond habitual anti-Israelism,
demonstrated that antisemitism had become part of mainstream Arab society. A few
months later, in November, Egypt succeeded in convincing the OSCE at its 10th
Mediterranean seminar, which took place at Sharm al-Shaykh, to expand its focus
to include monitoring of Islamophobia as well as antisemitism.[65]
The US enactment into law of the Global Antisemitism Review Act in October 2004 renewed discussion over
the issue. Arab writers and commentators reiterated that the Jews who had taken
over the legislative and executive authorities in the US had promoted the act in order to prevent criticism of Israel. The law was also perceived as an
attempt by Republicans to curry favor with traditionally pro-Democratic US voters.
According to the act, the US committed itself to “support[ing] efforts to combat antisemitism worldwide through
bilateral relationships and interaction with international organizations such
as the OSCE, the European Union, and the United Nations.” Moreover, a special
section on acts of antisemitism and antisemitic incitement worldwide was to be
added to the annual reports on Human Rights and on International Religious
Freedom. Principally, the Arab press argued that the law:
- interfered in the
domestic affairs of states and violated freedom of expression;
- was hostile to Arabs
and Muslims and ignored the fact that Arabs, who were also Semites, were
victims of discrimination and persecution;
- was a form of ‘intellectual
terrorism’ through which the US was trying to impost its hegemony and
values on the world;
- was a political and not
a humanitarian act, which blurred the line between Judaism and Zionism in
order to protect Israel from legitimate criticism and provided it with a
license to continue its terrorist policies against the Arabs. Moreover, it
allowed the Israeli security apparatus to instigate acts of antisemitism
in countries with Jewish communities, such as France, in order to force
immigration to Israel.
Some writers conceded that
antisemitism was a deplorable phenomenon, but considered that Arabs too were its
victims because they were paying the price for antisemitic crimes perpetrated
in Europe. Arab countries were called upon to unite against the law and
publicly reject it. It should be noted that the American law on religious freedom
was also seen as directed against Arabs and Muslims. Critics warned that it
would polarize the globe into the Muslim world, Europe, Latin America and China, which allegedly perpetrated antisemitism, and Israel and the US which opposed it. This situation
would cause an escalation of hatred toward the latter two countries.[66]
While voices expressing
support for the law were rare, not surprisingly one of these was `Abd al-Rahman
Rashid, director general of al-`Arabiya satellite TV and former editor of the
London-based al-Sharq al-Awsat. Rashid has persistently pursued an
anti-fascist line, warning the Arabs against aligning with antisemites and
Holocaust deniers. The act should be understood for what it was, he explained,
a law for monitoring antisemitism, and instead of condemning it, Arabs should
encourage it and seek to expand it to include incitement to racism against
Muslims, blacks and other minorities. “We must not confuse Israel with Judaism, or extremist nationalist Zionist thought with the Jewish religion,” he continued,
lest it be considered blatant racism, “no different than the racism of those
hostile to Arabs and Muslims.”[67] Former Middle East correspondent for the New York Times Youssef Ibrahim welcomed
the act in view of continued antisemitic abuses. However, he also criticized it
for being shortsighted and incomplete. “Why stop at Jews?” he asked, referring
to Colin Powell’s alleged objection to the law for giving preferential
treatment to Jews over other religious or ethnic groups in human rights
reporting. Limiting the concept of anti-bigotry to the Jewish people marks “a
further descent toward a bizarre sort of ‘amorality’,” which went beyond the
pro-Jewish and pro-Israeli bias of the American Congress, he claimed.
Protecting Jews should be the first step to protecting everyone.[68]
France was criticized for a
report published in mid-October calling to adopt a law defining anti-Zionist
expressions as antisemitism and for the Council of State’s decision on 13
December to ban the television channel al-Manar, the official mouthpiece of
Hizballah, for violating the country’s hate laws and broadcasting antisemitic
statements. In 2003, the channel provoked intense criticism when it aired the
Syrian-produced series al-Shatat (The Diaspora) which invoked the blood
libel and The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The French court had
taken issue with programs shown in November which accused Jews of spreading
AIDS. A week later the US followed suit and added al-Manar to the Terrorism
Exclusion List. These steps were seen as a manipulation of the Jewish lobby in France and the US, and as political terrorism and violation of freedom of thought and expression,
aimed at giving immunity to “the Zionist entity” and covering up its aggression
and “war of extermination” against the Palestinian people.[69] Support for the Arab stand was lent by French Holocaust denier Robert
Faurisson, who told Iran’s Mehr News Agency on 18 December that Jewish influence
in France was even stronger than in the US and that nobody dared to speak out
against the Jews because of their “alleged Holocaust.”[70]
References to the Holocaust in the Arab Discourse
The debate on antisemitism prompted some Arab
writers to re-introduce motifs characterizing the Arab discourse on the
Holocaust, such as alleged Zionist exploitation of the Holocaust; denial; and
equation of the Palestinian tragedy with the Holocaust and Zionism with Nazism.
Palestinian writer and historian `Arif al-`Arif pointed out in the English-language
daily Syria Times that Israel and its supporters were “highly
experienced in marketing Zionist casualties and in posing before the world as victims.”
They relied on an “extremely sophisticated propaganda machine… the product of
more than sixty years of holocaust-related [sic] campaigns aimed at
making non-Jews pay Zionism and Israel for what Hitler did to his Jewish as
well as non-Jewish victims in Europe.” He added that “a country which
continually uses, and all to often manipulates, Holocaust imagery to justify
its policies of self-defense and ‘never again’, cannot complain when the rest
of the world uses those same standards to make judgments concerning those policies.”[71]
The Jews, wrote George
Haddad in the above mentioned article on the Zionist exploitation of
antisemitism, have succeeded in more than one European country to establish
that querying the “Holocaust deceit” is a convictable crime.[72] Egyptian columnist Salah Salim considered the Holocaust “a myth,” invented and
inflated by Zionists. Although he conceded that historical research had proved
its occurrence, three issues were still being contested: the number of victims,
their national and religious identity, and the means of extermination. However,
he claimed, western culture was so dogmatic in relation to the “Holocaust myth”
that it violated freedom of research and forbid questioning it.[73]
“Israel, which is creating a
worldwide hue and cry about the so-called Holocaust that the Nazis perpetrated
in the past,” contended Jordanian commentator Mustafa Muhammad al-Far, “exempts
itself from the Palestinian holocaust which it has been carrying out since 1948.”[74] All the acts perpetrated against the Palestinian people, explained `Ali `Abbud
Ma`di in the Saudi daily al-Riyadh, confirm that Zionism and Nazism are
similar ideologies based on legends and racist claims, such as racial
superiority and purity of blood and land.[75]
Commemoration of Holocaust
Memorial Day on 27 January in Europe elicited analogous Arab reactions. According
to `Abd al-Wahhab Badrakhan, Lebanese editor of al-Hayat, the Jews were
continuing to exploit European feelings of guilt in order to mobilize support
and mute criticism of Israel’s policies. It was an occasion for Jewish writers
to settle scores with revisionists and brand as antisemitic any description of
a Jew as a Nazi. The Jews, he maintained, prefer “the Holocaust affair” to
remain between them and the West, despite its human and universal aspects, and
reject Arab and Muslim participation in shouldering this human responsibility;
yet they continue to persecute the Palestinians, ignoring the lessons which
should have been learned from the Holocaust.[76]
A two-part article by the
head of the Jaffa Research Center in Egypt, Rif`at Sayyid Ahmad, on “the lie
about the burning of the Jews” published in the weekly al-Liwa’ al-Islami on 24 June and 1 July, stirred up particular outrage and protest by Jewish
organizations. Ahmad made all the allegations mentioned above and attacked
European countries which participated in the April Berlin conference on combating
antisemitism for evading basic questions, such as whether the Holocaust really
happened and the truth about the numbers of victims? Moreover, he asked, how
could they compromise their integrity and their alleged defense of human rights
while ignoring “the new Nazism” embodied in Israel’s attitude toward the Palestinians.
Ahmad introduced so-called evidence produced by Holocaust deniers Paul
Rassinier, Arthur Butz and Roger Garaudy, which the West had refuted because it
considered the Holocaust and “its lie” above criticism. Following US pressure on Egypt, the minister of information apologized, the weekly’s editor-in-chief was
dismissed and the author banned from writing in it. The paper also published an
apology, stating that the article expressed only the author’s opinions and did
not stem from Islamic values. However, in a discussion on Egyptian television
on 28 August, Ahmad repeated his claims, insisting that they lay in European
and scientific sources. He was backed by the former editor of the paper,
Muhammad al-Zarqani, who revealed that since their childhood, he and his
generation had been taught that that the Holocaust was “a big lie.”[77]
In the same vein, a book on “Zionism
and Nazism and the issue of peaceful co-existence with the other” was published
in Jordan by Nadia Sa`d al-Din, based on an MA dissertation submitted to the Department
of Political Science at Aal Bayt University. The author traced supposed ideological
and operational similarities between the two movements.[78]
The Holocaust was also invoked
in the discussion of Mel Gibson’s film The Passion, which was a hit in
Arab countries. Jews and Israelis persisted in holding both past and present
generations of the German people responsible for the Holocaust, wrote `Abduh
Mubashar in al-Ahram, yet this reasoning did not apply to the Jews
themselves, who rejected responsibility for the killing of Jesus by their
forefathers and exerted pressure on the Vatican until it exonerated them in
1965. Why then did they insist on making the new German generations accountable
for the Holocaust, he asked.[79] Rejecting the claim of antisemitism made by Jewish organizations and Holocaust
survivors, Arab commentators emphasized the film’s importance as a victory over
Jewish control of Hollywood’s movie industry and the similarities between
Jewish behavior then and its conduct now, represented by the ongoing ‘crucifixion’
of the Palestinian people.[80] Likewise, Egyptian writer `Adil Hammuda in al-Ahram and `Aysha Sultan in
the UAEs’ daily al-Bayan considered the film a challenge to the
political, financial and media power of the Jews and the Jewish lobby,[81] while `Abd al-Wahhab al-Masiri noted that “some Arab members of the audience compare
Christ’s suffering in the film with that of the Palestinians now.”
Jordanian journalist Rakan
al-Majali argued that the film “violated the taboos imposed by Jewish
intellectual terrorism, which sanctified all Jewish beliefs, acts and crimes
and naturally failed to mention not only the crucifixion of Jesus but the
crucifixion of the world, above all the Christian world and specifically the US
by the Jews.”[82] Lebanese journalist Salim Nassar added that Arab viewers deduced from the film
that awareness of the “Palestinian holocaust” should be increased, while PA
chairman Yasir Arafat reportedly saw the crucifixion of the Palestinians as a
re-enactment of the crucifixion of Christ, and others recalled ‘Sharon’s crimes’
and the Jews’ alleged callousness toward the memory of others.[83]
Although the film
contradicts the Islamic account of Jesus’ death and Islamic jurisprudence
prohibits personification of the prophets, it was not criticized on these
grounds. Islamist scholar Yusuf al-Qardhawi provided Muslim viewers with an
excuse by claiming that it was not a Muslim production and that even if the
Jews did not actually kill him they did so by intent and killed other prophets.[84] However, a few writers pointed to the vindictive message of the film. From a
historical and artistic point of view, wrote Egyptian columnist and scholar
`Abd al-Mun`im Sa`id, it is a pleasure but from an intellectual, political and
social point of view it distorted the prophet’s message which was based on
compassion and clemency. The film is not a message of peace, stated Dalal
al-Bizri in al-Hayat, who compared the warm reception of the film to
that given by the Arab public to Holocaust denier Roger Garaudy – both deriving
from the evil presentation of the Jews by a western ‘authority’.[85]
Conclusion
Despite apparent concurrence with denial of
the Holocaust by the public at large, a few voices criticized both denial and its
comparison with the Palestinian tragedy. Arabs who question the Holocaust,
asserted Joseph Massad, “accept the Zionist logic as correct.” “The attempt by
Holocaust deniers to play down the number of Holocaust victims is obscene,” but
“it is hardly different from Zionist Jewish denial of the Palestinian nakba…While
the nakba and the Holocaust are not equivalent in any sense, the logic
of denying them is indeed the same.” Those who deny the Holocaust, he stressed,
have no position within the PLO or any legitimacy among the Palestinian
intelligentsia.[86] Some Arab intellectuals have begun to acknowledge the Holocaust and sympathize
with the Jewish people, wrote Hashim Salih in al-Sharq al-Awsat. This
does not mean surrender to Zionist ideology or Israeli propaganda but “admitting
the truth … and condemning organized crime against humanity whenever and
wherever it takes place.”[87]
The discourse on the
Holocaust in the Arab world is still weak and apprehensive, claimed Muhammad
Haddad. The Arab intellectual is either silent or fails to distinguish between
the Holocaust and the Palestinian issue, resorting to denial, antisemitism and
the myth of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which do not serve Arab
interests. It was about time, concluded Haddad, that Arab intellectuals adopted
a clear view, namely: the Holocaust was a historical fact and not an invention;
neither the Arabs nor the Palestinians took part in it, and Arab sympathy with
Hitler during World War II had nothing to do with the Holocaust; the West has
no intention of renewing persecution of the Jews and encouraging antisemitism
in its midst. At the same time, it sought to atone for its guilt about the
Palestinians by finding a just solution to their problem.[88]
Antisemitic manifestations
in the Arab discourse and antisemitic acts perpetrated by Muslims in France were also denounced by journalists and writers, although they were sometimes considered
a corollary of a critical attitude toward Islamism and its destructive
messages. “Zionism and imperialism have nothing to do with our culture of
violence,” claimed former Kuwaiti Communications Minister Sa`d al-Din bin
Tifla. “Slaughter, destructive abuse, anarchy and bloodshed” in no way resembled
jihad in Islamic jurisprudence.[89] Former dean of the Faculty of Islamic Law at the University of Qatar `Abd al-Hamid al-Ansari supported this view in an article published in al-Sharq
al-Awsat. Yet he blamed Islamic scriptures and tradition for shaping the
way Arabs perceived the world around them, including the belief in conspiracy
theories and the role of the Jews behind every disaster befalling them.[90]
Arab intellectuals in France signed a petition in April denouncing antisemitism and other forms of racism and
discrimination in the name of Islam and called for a separation between racism
and political conflict. The petition pointed to the link between the crisis of
modernity and Islamization among some Muslim youngsters and a negative attitude
toward the Jews, stressing that this tendency did not represent the silent
majority of diaspora Arabs.[91] Racism, explained journalist Firas Zibib, had become the identity of those who had
lost theirs in the country of migration. It was a way to integrate into a world
which was not theirs and “a fashion” to express disagreement, “like a third
world war started in the streets of Paris, New York and occupied Palestine.”[92] In October another petition was submitted to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan by
over 2,500 Muslim intellectuals from 23 countries, calling for an international
treaty to ban the use of religion in incitement to violence and asking the
Security Council to set up a tribunal to try “the theologians of terror,” such
as Shaykh Yusuf al-Qardhawi. Among the signatories were former Iraqi Minister
of Planning Jawwad Hashim, Tunisian writer `Afif al-Akhdar and Jordanian
academic Shakir al-Nabulsi.[93]
Lebanese columnists Joseph
Samaha and Jihad al-Khazin, and Egyptian liberal scholar and activist Sa`d
al-Din Ibrahim, writer `Ali Salim and academic scholar in Leipzig `Umar Kamil
were among those who criticized antisemitic manifestations in the Arab
discourse, including Holocaust denial. These were detrimental to the Arabs’
demand for their legitimate rights and in their relations with the world, and
could not be justified despite Israel’s deplorable ‘crimes’ against the
Palestinians. While Kamil called upon Arab intellectuals to liberate themselves
from this futile approach and devise a new one more agreeable to ‘the other’,
Salim urged the Arab League to play a role in changing Arab attitudes to the
Arab-Israeli conflict and to peace in the Middle East.[94]
[1] NYT, 24 Oct.; see also chapters on Arab Countries in ASW 2001/2,
2002/3, 2003/4.
[2] NYT, 17 March; Ha’aretz, 18 March; WP, 20 Aug.
[3] Al-Ahram, 9 Sept.; Al-Ahram Weekly, 16 Sept.; See also: MEMRI,
Special Dispatch No. 800, 15 Oct.
[4] Cairo Times, 15 Jan. – MEMRI, Special Dispatach No. 647, 21 Jan.; al-Hayat,
16 April; WP, 20 Aug.
[5] Tishrin, 12
Jan.; Kul al-`Arab, 19 Jan.
[6] Al-Sabil, 20 Jan.;
Majallat al-Kuwait, 1 Feb.
[7] Al-Wafd, 27, 30 March; October, 4 April; al-Ahram, 8
April; al-Ittihad, 23 April; Karikatir, April. See also: ADL, Arab
Media Review: Anti-Semitism and Other Trends, January – June, July – December.
[9] Akhbar al-Khalij, 6 Jan., 12 March; al-Watan, 3 March; al-Ahram,
8 April; al-Dustur, 20 April; ADL, ibid.
[10] Sudan TV, 24 Aug., 19 Nov. - MEMRI, 2 Dec.
[11] Al-Sha`b, 23
Jan., 16 July, 26 Nov.
[13]Al-Ahram
Weekly, 1 April; al-Jumhuriyya, 18 March; al-Akhbar, 9 Aug. Aakhir Sa`a,
8, 15 Sept.; al-Ahram, 16 Sept.; MEMRI, Special dispatch, No. 700, 23
April, Special Report, No. 33, 9 Sept.
[14] Al-Jumhuriyya,
18 March. For additional similar reactions, see: MEMRI, Special dispatch, No.
697, 19 April.
[15] Al-Dustur, 6
Sept.; MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 780, 8
Sept.; Majallat al-Mujtama`, 9 Oct.
[16] Al-Ra’y al-`Am,
9 Oct.; al-Usbu`, 11, 18 Oct., 1Nov.; al-Ahram, al-Jumhuriyya, 12 Oct.; Ha’aretz,
12, 22 Oct; al-Quds al-`Arabi, 15 Oct.; MEMRI, Special dispatch, No.
801, 15 Oct.; Washington Post, 23, 26 Oct.; al-Ahram Weekly, 28
Oct.
[17] Sawt al-Jihad, No. 27 – MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 804, 22 Oct.
[18] Al-Ahram, 30 Aug., 15 Oct.; al-Ahram
al-`Arabi, 25 Dec.
[19] Palestinian Authority
TV, 31 Dec. – MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 842, 7 Jan. 2005.
[20] Al-Sharq al-Awsat,
3 Sept.
[21] Al-Safir, 12
March; al-Hayat al-Jadida, 13 March; al-Sharq al-Awsat, 13, 16 March; al-Ba`th, al-Quds al-`Arabi, 13
March; al-Ahram, 14 March; al-Ra’y,
17 March; al-Ahram al-`Arabi, 27 March; MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 697,
19 April.
[22] Al-Sharq al-Awsat, 4 Sept.; al-Dustur, 4, 5 Sept.; al-Watan, al-Ayyam, Ha’aretz, 6 Sept., 13 Oct.; al-Safir, 8 Sept.
[23] Al-Hayat, 2 Aug.; al-Raya (Kuwait), 20 Sept. See also: MEMRI,
Special Dispatch No. 792, 4 Oct.
[24] Jerusalem Post, 21 Dec.
[25] Palestinian Media Watch Bulletin, 12 Feb.; MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 683, 19
March. See also details on his sermon published on 10 September in:
Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, “Current Examples of Antisemitic
Manifestations in Institutions under the Supervision of the PA,” Sept. 2004 [in
Hebrew].
[26] Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, “Current Examples.”
[27] Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, “Educating Children for Hatred and Terrorism: Encouragement for Suicide
Bombing Attacks and Hatred for Israel and the Jews Spread via the Internet on
Hamas’ Online Children’s Magazine (Al-Fateh),” Oct. 2004.
[28] Al-Ayyam, 17
Jan., 1 Oct.; Al-Nahar, 19 Jan.; Al-Masa,” 3 Feb. – MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 658, 6 Feb.; al-Dustur, 14 Feb., 30 Oct. www.alkarama.com – MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 651, 30 Jan.; Ha’aretz, 23 Jan., 31 March;
PA TV, 3 Dec. − MEMRI, Special dispatch No. 824, 7 Dec.
[29] MEMRI, News Tickers,
22 March; Al-Ahram Weekly, 25 March; al-Ahram al-`Arabi, 27
March; al-Hayat, 27 March, 16 April; Filastin al-Muslima, April; al-Mukhtar
al-Islami, June.
[30] Al-Ahram, 23,
27, 28, 31 March; al-Sharq al-Awsat, al-Nahar, al-Dustur, al-Khalij,
23 March – Mideast Mirror, 23 March; al-Watan, 24 March; al-Wafd,
28 March.
[31] Washington Post,
22, 23, 29 March; NYT, 22 March; Al-Ahram, Ha’aretz, 23
March; Al-Ahram Weekly, 25 March; Intelligence and Terrorism Information
Center, “Encouragement for Terrorist Attacks and Antisemitic Incitement by
Hamas leaders after Shaykh Yasin’s Assassination,” March [in Hebrew]. For a
file devoted to Yasin and including all statements and articles published after
his death, see Hamas’ site: www.Palestine-info.info/arabic/spfiles/yaseen2;
and Filastin al-Muslima, April.
[32] Al-Sharq al-Awsat, al-Safir, al-Quds, al-Khalij, 19
April – Mideast Mirror, 19 April; al-Jumhuriyya, al-Ahram Weekly,
22 April; Filastin al-Muslima, May; al-Mukhtar al-Islami, June.
[33] Akhir Sa`a, 3 Nov.; al-Hayat al-Jadida, 7 Nov.; al-Usbu`,
8 Nov.; Ma`ariv, 12 Nov.; Ha’aretz, 15, 18 Nov.; Washington
Post, 18 Nov.; Independent Media Review and Analysis (IMRA), An-Najah Poll
of Palestinans,” 21 Nov.; al-Sabil, al-Qahira, NYT, 23 Nov.
[34] Al-Hayat al-Jadida, 1 Nov.; al-Sharq al-Awsat, 16 Nov.; NYT,
11 Dec.; Filastin al-Muslima, Dec.
[40] Al-Wafd, 27 March; al-Ahram, 8 April; al-Jumhuriyya, 4, 6, 23, 25 Oct.; Nahdhat
Misr, 27 Oct.; al-Ahram, 27 Oct.
[41] Al-Ahram, 22
May. See also: Al-Ahram, 23 Aug., 4 Dec.
[42] Al-Ahram, 23
March; Al-Ahram Weekly, 25 March.
[43] Al-Ahram Weekly,
11 March.
[44] `Aqidati, 10 Aug.; MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 763, 17 Aug.
[45] IslamOnlone.com, 22 March – MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 691, 6 April.
[46] Akhbar al-Yawm, 7 Feb.
[47] Al-`Arabi, 18 Jan.; al-Sabil, 20 Jan.; al-Watan, 25 Jan.
[49] ADL, Arab Media Review: Anti-Semitism and Other Trends, January-June 2004 (New York, 2004); New York Times, 9 Oct.; al-Ahram al-`Arabi, 16,
23 Oct.
[50] The Washington Times, 1 March; MEMRI, Special Dispatch, No. 708, 6 May.
[51] Al-Riyadh, 2
May; Ha’aretz, 3 May; al-Ahram al-`Arabi, 8 May; MEMRI, Special
Dispatch, No. 708, 6 May; Jerusalem Post, 29 June; 2 July – www.totallyjewishcom/news/stories.
[52] Al-Jundi al-Muslim, 1 May; MEMRI, Special Dispatch, No. 768, 21 Aug.
[53] MEMRI, Special
Dispatch, No. 708, 6 May.
[54] Al-Watan, 18
March, 7 July, 9, 11 Sept., 16, 29 Nov.; al-Sharq al-Awsat, 23 Sept., 26
Nov.; Arab News, 28 Nov. – MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 830, 17 Dec.
[55] Jordan Times, 9 March.
[56] Washington Post,
13 March; al-Hayat, 16 April.
[57] Al-Ahram Weekly,
9 Dec. See also: Tishrin, 27 April.
[58] Al-Dustur, 26 Jan.; al-Ahram, 15, 19, 27 Feb.; Filastin
al-Muslima, March; al-Quds al-`Arabi, 7 June; al-`Ahd al-Intiqad,
23 July; al-Hayat, 25 July.
[60] Al-Dustur, 1,
3 May.
[63] Al-Hayat, 17,
18, 19 Feb.
[65] JP, 25 June; Ha’aretz, 27, 29 July; Jewish Week, 13 Aug.; al-Ahram
Weekly, 24 Nov.
[66] Al-Sharq al-Awsat, 17, 25, 27 Oct.; al-Raya, 17 Oct.; al-Quds
al-`Arabi, al-Masa,” al-Ra’y, 18 Oct.; al-Dustur,
19-28 Oct.; Tishrin, 19, 25 Oct.; al-Hayat, 20, 25 Oct.; al-Quds, 20, 24, 28 Oct.; al-Ahali, 20 Oct.; al-Wafd, 21, 30
Oct.; al-Sha`b, 22 Oct.; al-Ahram, 31 Oct., 2, 3, 10, 15, 17, 29
Nov., 2, 27, 28 Dec.; al-Usbu`, 1, 29 Nov., 6, 20 Dec.; Aakhir Sa`a,
3 Nov.; al-Riyadh, 6 Nov.; al-Watan, 8 Nov.; Filastin
al-Muslima, Dec.; Aluma Dankowitz, Arab Reactions to the US’s Global
Antisemitism Review Act of 2004 - MEMRI, Inquiry & Analysis No. 198, 8
Dec.
[67] Al-Sharq al-Awsat, 18 Oct.
[68] Gulf News, 19 Oct.; al-Hayat, 25 Oct.
[69] Al-Sharq al-Awsat, 25 Oct.; al-Sabil, 26 Oct.; al-Dustur,
27 Oct.; al-Ahram, 5 Dec.; al-Qahira, 7 Dec.; New York Times,
9, 12, 14 Dec.; Avi Jorisch and Matthew Levitt, “Banning Hizballah TV in
America,” POLICYWATCH # 930, 17 Dec; Tishrin, 18, 20 Dec.; al-Usbu`,
20 Dec; al-Wafd, 26 Dec.
[70] MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 831, 20 Dec.
[71] Syria Times, 25 Feb.
[73] Salah Salim, “mu`adat
al-samiya am mu`anat al-thaqafa al-`arabiya min al-sahyuniya wal-liberaliya
al-gharbiya ma`an!” (Antisemitism or the torment of Arab culture by both
Zionism and western culture) Shu’un `Arabiya, No. 117 (Spring 2004), pp.
154−5.
[77] Al-Liwa’ al-Islami,
24 June, 1 July; JP, 5 Aug.; Ma`ariv, 8 Aug.; MEMRI, Special
Dispatch, No. 756, 30 July; al-Quds al-`Arabi, 16 Aug.; al-Sharq
al-Awsat, 27 Aug.; al-Mihwar TV, 28 Aug. – MEMRI, Special Dispatch, No.
782, 10 Sept.; al-Sha`b, 3 Sept. It should be noted that the article was
published on 9 May in the Syrian daily Tishrin.
[78] Al-`Arab al-Yawm,
29 July.
[80] October, 29 Feb., 7 March; Ha’aretz, 29 March; al-Hayat,
17 April; Alma Dankowitz, “reactions in the Arab Media to ‘The Passion of the
Christ,” MEMRI, Inquiry and Analysis, No. 171, 20 April
[81] Al-Ahram, al-Bayan, 20 March. See also: al-Wafd, 2 March; al-Ahali,
7 April.
[83] Al-Ahram al-`Arabi, 6 March; al-Bayan, 8 March; al-Sharq
al-Awsat, 27 March; Aakhir Sa`a, 31 March; al-Wafd, 7, 13
April; al-Hayat, 10 April; al-Ahram Weekly, 15 April; al-Ahram,
11 May; Tishrin, 19 June.
[84] Al-Ahram
al-`Arabi, 10 April
[85] Al-Ahram al-`Arabi,
17 April; al-Hayat, 18 April
[86] Al-Ahram Weekly,
9 Dec. See also article by Jordanian Islamist Ibrahim `Allush, al-Sabil,
27 April.
[87] Al-Sharqal-Awsat, 25 Feb.
[89] Jordanian TV, 8 June
– MEMRI, Special Dispatch, No. 770, 24 Aug.
[90] Al-Sharq al-Awsat,
15 April; al-Raya, 20 Sept.; MEMRI, Special Dispatch No. 699, 23 April, 792, 4 Oct.
[94] Al-Safir, 14 Jan.; al-Sharq al-Awsat, 30 Jan.; al-Hayat,
4, 7 May, 24 Oct.; al-Musawwar, 30 July.
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